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The St. Valentine's Day Massacre: Al Capone, Seven Dead, and the 1929 Murder No One Was Charged For

Published 2026-07-20 · Watch on YouTube · subtitles in 19 languages

About this video

The St. Valentine's Day Massacre: on February 14, 1929, seven men were lined up against a Chicago garage wall and shot dead — and no one was ever charged with the crime. Viewer discretion advised: this documentary includes an authentic 1929 crime-scene photograph, shown only briefly and heavily obscured. Using the coroner's inquest, the ballistics evidence and the newspapers of the day, this documentary reconstructs the St. Valentine's Day Massacre in order: how the Al Capone and Bugs Moran bootlegging war set it up; the fake police raid that lured seven of Moran's North Side men into the SMC Cartage garage at 2122 North Clark Street; the roughly seventy rounds fired from two Thompson submachine guns; the one victim who lived for hours but named no one ("Nobody shot me"); Coroner Herman Bundesen's blue-ribbon jury and Calvin Goddard's pioneering ballistics; the confession of Byron Bolton; and why, more than ninety years later, the case is still officially closed against "persons unknown." Chapters: 0:00 Seven Men, Seventy Bullets, No Convictions 1:23 01 · Chicago Was at War 4:58 02 · The Bait 8:13 03 · Ten-Thirty in the Morning 12:16 04 · Nobody Shot Me 16:06 05 · The Bullets Talk 21:05 06 · Everyone Who Could Talk Is Dead 26:21 07 · Persons Unknown Accuracy note: Al Capone was widely blamed but was in Florida at the time and was never charged with the massacre; no one was ever tried for it. The gunmen — names such as Fred Burke, Gus Winkeler and Jack McGurn are commonly cited — have never been proven in court. This film reports the evidence and the doubts side by side; it does not claim to have identified the killers. Sources: Cook County coroner's inquest (1929), Chicago Tribune and The New York Times (February 1929), FBI records, the Mob Museum, Library of Congress, U.S. National Archives, Wikimedia Commons (public-domain photographs and documents). Image credits (Wikimedia Commons): CC BY 4.0 — cemetery memorial photographs by Nick Number. CC BY 2.0 — massacre-site and Mob Museum photographs by Stephen Hogan, Marlin Keesler and David (Washington DC); Cadillac touring car by Thomas Quine; Capone headquarters by IMLS Digital Collections and Content. CC BY-SA 4.0 — bullet fragments by Redyr iksachli; massacre brick by JaneSwifty; massacre wall by APK; Capone Miami mansion by Marine 69-71. CC BY-SA 3.0 — 2122 N. Clark garage front by R. Daniel Smith; Capone mugshot derivative by U.S. Department of Justice. Some scenes use AI-generated reconstruction imagery where no authentic material survives; AI-generated content is disclosed to YouTube. #StValentinesDayMassacre #AlCapone #TrueCrime #Chicago #OrganizedCrime

Transcript

Valentine's Day, 1929. A garage on Clark Street, Chicago. Seven men, lined against a brick wall, shot in the back. More than seventy machine-gun rounds.

Two of the killers dressed as police. From the first hour, almost everyone in the country believed they knew who was responsible: Al Capone, the boss of Chicago's dominant crime organization. But Capone was a thousand miles away in Florida, and not a single killer was ever put on trial. The case file — built from coroner's inquests, which are public inquiries held to establish how a person died, along with police reports and FBI records that still survive today — closed on just two words: persons unknown, the formal verdict meaning the killers were never legally identified.

It became the most infamous gangland murder in American history. Ninety-six years later, no one has paid for it. How does a massacre witnessed by a city go unpunished? Who actually walked into that garage and pulled the triggers?

And why does the answer remain so difficult to speak out loud? 01 CHICAGO WAS AT WAR To understand why seven men ended up against a wall in a garage on a February morning, you have to go back nine years. In 1920, the United States banned the manufacture and sale of alcohol under a law known as Prohibition, which remained in force until 1933. Its architects believed it would clean up the country.

What it did was hand a vast market to whoever was willing to break the law. In Chicago, that meant the gangs. Bootlegging — the illegal making and selling of liquor — transformed street criminals into millionaires overnight. The money was enormous.

The city split roughly in two. The South Side belonged to the Outfit, Al Capone's crime organization, which controlled breweries, speakeasies, and a network of illegal rackets — money-making criminal operations — across that half of the city. The North Side belonged to a rival gang that had been fighting Capone's men for years. There was no courthouse, no contract, no arbitration — the entire business was a crime.

Disputes were settled with guns. Between 1924 and 1929, Chicago's beer wars killed hundreds of men. Police solved almost none of it, because many of them were already on the gangs' payrolls — later testimony to the FBI put the chief of detectives himself at five thousand dollars a week from Capone's organization. The North Side Gang kept losing its leaders.

Dean O'Banion, a florist who ran his rackets out of a flower shop on the North Side and used the legitimate business as cover, was shot dead behind his own counter in 1924 by Capone's allies. His successor, Hymie Weiss, who inherited command of the North Side Gang after O'Banion's murder and swore to avenge it, came close to killing Capone more than once before he was gunned down in 1926. Leadership then passed to George Moran — known by the nickname Bugs — and Moran kept the war going. He hijacked Capone's liquor trucks.

He went after Capone's men. One of those men was Jack McGurn, Capone's top gunman, who had earned the nickname Machine Gun from his preferred weapon and his reputation for using it. In March 1928, two of Moran's gunmen — the brothers Frank and Peter Gusenberg — ambushed him in a hotel phone booth and emptied a machine gun into it. McGurn survived after major surgery.

Both brothers would be standing in the garage on Valentine's Day. By early 1929, Capone had watched the war drag on for five years, through three North Side leaders and countless dead men. Moran was still standing. Still hijacking.

Still a problem. Capone, by all accounts, had decided the problem needed a permanent solution. The plan was set in motion. But what exactly was the plan — and how do you lure seven armed gangsters into a garage without raising a single alarm?

CAPONE WANTED MORAN GONE FOR GOOD. 02 THE BAIT What makes seven armed and dangerous men stand still, turn their backs, and wait calmly for what was coming? The answer began not with violence, but with a bargain. In the weeks before Valentine's Day 1929, someone reached out to Moran's crew with an offer hard to refuse: a load of hijacked whiskey at a price too good to pass up.

Hijacked whiskey was exactly the kind of contraband the North Side Gang — the Chicago bootlegging and rackets organization then led by George "Bugs" Moran — regularly traded in during Prohibition, the nationwide ban on alcohol that had been running since 1920 and that made illegal liquor enormously profitable. The delivery point was the gang's own headquarters, a plain brick garage at 2122 North Clark Street on Chicago's North Side, operating under the cover name S.M.C. Cartage Company, a trucking business that gave the gang a legitimate-looking address. This was exactly the kind of deal the North Side Gang did every week.

Across the street, in a rented room, lookouts had already taken up position. They watched the garage day after day, scanning every face that came and went, waiting for one in particular: Bugs Moran himself. The plan was never just to hurt the North Side Gang. It was to end it — boss and all — in a single morning, while everyone was gathered around a delivery.

Then came the second layer. The killers didn't arrive looking like killers. They arrived looking like the law. Their car was fitted out to resemble a police vehicle, and at least two of the men climbing out wore police uniforms.

In 1929 Chicago, a police raid on a gang garage was a routine inconvenience — officers shaking down gang operations for bribes or arrests happened regularly enough that gangsters had a practiced response to it. You didn't shoot at cops — not openly, not in your own building. You handed over your weapons, lined up against the wall, waited to be booked, and let your lawyers sort it out later. Shooting a police officer, even a corrupt one, brought consequences no gang could manage.

That instinct — trained, rational, survival-oriented — was the real weapon the planners were counting on. Men who would never willingly disarm in front of a rival gang would do exactly that in front of what looked like a police raiding party. It got seven men to turn their backs and empty their hands without a struggle. The trap was set.

The morning arrived. But what actually happened inside that garage when the shooting started? A FAKE RAID. NO ONE WOULD FIGHT THE POLICE.

03 TEN-THIRTY IN THE MORNING At about 10:30 on the morning of February 14, 1929 — St. Valentine's Day — a fake police car stopped outside 2122 North Clark Street, the S.M.C. Cartage Company garage on Chicago's North Side that served as the headquarters of Bugs Moran's North Side Gang. Inside the garage, seven men waited.

Five were Moran's men: Peter and Frank Gusenberg, brothers who served as enforcers, meaning they carried out violence on the gang's behalf; Albert Kachellek, who went by the alias James Clark — he used a false name to obscure his criminal record — Moran's second-in-command and brother-in-law; Adam Heyer, the gang's bookkeeper, who managed its finances; and Albert Weinshank, who ran a cleaners' union as a front, meaning the union was a legitimate-looking business used to hide illegal income. The sixth, John May, was not a gangster at all but the gang's mechanic, working under a truck that morning with his dog Highball tied nearby. And the seventh had even less business being there: Reinhardt Schwimmer was an optician — an eye-care professional, a civilian with no role in the gang — who simply enjoyed the company of criminals and had come along that morning for no reason connected to gang business. The men who stepped out of the fake police car were dressed in two ways: some wore Chicago police uniforms, and some wore plain civilian clothes.

The uniformed men walked in calmly. The seven inside did what anyone would do when police came through the door: they faced the north wall, raised their hands, and waited for what they assumed would be a routine shakedown — a nuisance shakedown being the common practice in which corrupt officers would arrive at a gang premises, rough things up or threaten arrest, and leave once paid off, something settled by afternoon and forgotten. Because such shakedowns of gang garages were genuinely routine in 1929 Chicago, the seven men had no reason to suspect anything was wrong. They cooperated.

They turned their backs. They were unarmed. They never turned around again. The men in civilian clothes opened fire from behind.

Two Thompson submachine guns — handheld automatic weapons capable of firing hundreds of rounds per minute, which made it possible for a small number of shooters to inflict catastrophic casualties in seconds — tore through the garage. More than seventy rounds hit the wall and the bodies. A shotgun finished what the machine guns began. All seven were down in seconds.

Then the killers executed a precise exit. The men in police uniforms marched the plainclothes shooters out at gunpoint, exactly as if officers were escorting arrested suspects. Neighbors watching from windows and doorways saw nothing alarming — just another arrest on a cold February morning. The car pulled away without urgency.

One thing broke the silence. Highball, still trapped under the truck, began to howl. It was that sound — not a witness, not a tip, not a confession — that finally drew people inside. Seven men were dead or dying.

The killers were gone. The question that would haunt investigators for decades was only just beginning to form: who were they? SEVEN DOWN. ONE STILL BREATHING.

04 NOBODY SHOT ME One man was still breathing. Frank Gusenberg — one of the seven men caught inside the garage, and a senior enforcer for the North Side Gang — had been hit fourteen times. When police arrived and found him among the dead, they rushed him to hospital and gathered around his bed: a witness, a man who had looked the killers in the face. They asked him, again and again, who had done this.

And Gusenberg, bleeding out with every minute that passed, gave them the same answer each time: nobody shot me. He died about three hours later. Not a single name. Not a syllable that could put a gunman in a courtroom.

Whatever the underworld permitted, you did not talk to the police. Gusenberg kept that code even as his life drained away, knowing his silence meant his killers would walk free. Then there was the man who wasn't there at all. Bugs Moran — the North Side Gang's leader and the man the massacre had been designed to kill — had been running late.

As he approached the garage that morning, he saw the police car parked outside and drew the obvious conclusion: a raid. He turned away, found a cup of coffee, and waited for it to blow over. The trap built to kill him — a fake police car, men in uniform — killed everyone but him. Then why did the gunmen fire at all?

Police and historians have long believed the lookouts across the street mistook one of the victims — Albert Weinshank, close to Moran in height and build and dressed much the same way — for Moran himself as he walked in. The signal was given for the wrong man. And the morning holds one more unresolved detail: the dead men wore business suits, not work clothes for unloading whiskey crates, and carried thousands of dollars in their pockets. Exactly why the seven had gathered has never been conclusively settled.

When reporters reached Moran and asked who could have done such a thing, he gave the answer the whole city was already thinking: only Capone kills like that. Capone reportedly said the same in reverse — that the only man in Chicago who would wipe out seven men at once was Bugs Moran. Each pointed at the other. Neither was ever charged.

Capone had built himself somewhere else to be. On the morning of the massacre he was in Florida — not merely at home, but inside a Dade County courthouse, visible before public officials, at the very hour his enemies were being machine-gunned eleven hundred miles away. Weeks later he testified before a federal grand jury about the massacre — and was released. His top gunman, Jack McGurn — a senior Outfit enforcer widely suspected of planning the operation — had an alibi too: he claimed he had spent the entire Valentine's Day in a hotel room with his girlfriend, Louise Rolfe, who confirmed every word.

The press called it the blonde alibi, a nickname that captured both the convenience and the suspicion surrounding her account. Everyone had an alibi. Everyone had an answer. So who, exactly, had pulled the triggers?

EVERYONE KNEW WHO. NO ONE COULD PROVE IT. 05 THE BULLETS TALK The answer might not come from any witness. It might come from the bullets themselves.

For the first time in an American gangland case, physical evidence was put to systematic work. Coroner Herman Bundesen — the Cook County official responsible for investigating suspicious deaths — refused to let the inquest become a formality. A coroner's inquest is a public inquiry into how a death occurred, and Bundesen used it aggressively. He assembled a jury of prominent citizens led by businessman Burt Massee, and brought in Calvin Goddard, a pioneer of forensic ballistics — the science of identifying firearms through the marks they leave on bullets and cartridge cases.

Goddard's instrument was a comparison microscope, a device that places two bullets side by side under a single eyepiece so their microscopic scratch-marks can be lined up and read. Every gun barrel is unique, its interior surface leaving its own signature carved into the lead it fires. Match the marks, match the gun. Goddard's first finding settled one question immediately: the Chicago Police Department's own machine guns had not been used.

The men in uniform who herded seven people against a wall and shot them were not real police. The staging was a costume, nothing more. From that discovery, Massee funded something lasting: America's first independent crime laboratory, established at Northwestern University in 1929, born directly from the massacre. This case is, in that sense, the origin point of forensic ballistics as a formal discipline in the United States.

But the guns were still out there. They surfaced ten months later, by accident. In December 1929, in St. Joseph, Michigan, Fred Burke — a robber and gunman tied to Capone's circle, known as Killer Burke — shot a local patrolman named Skelly dead in a traffic dispute and fled.

When officers searched his bungalow, they found rifles, thousands of rounds of ammunition, three hundred and ten thousand dollars in stolen bonds, and two Thompson submachine guns. Goddard test-fired them, comparing the marks on test rounds against the bullets recovered from the garage on Clark Street. The marks matched. These were two of the murder weapons.

One of the same guns was also linked to the New York killing of mobster Frankie Yale the previous year — and Yale, by the standard account, had himself been one of the men who shot Dean O'Banion in his flower shop in 1924. The same weapons kept moving through the same war. It was the hardest physical evidence the case would ever produce — and it convicted Burke only of killing the Michigan patrolman. For the seven men on Clark Street, he was never tried.

Burke died in prison in 1940. The closest thing to a roster of the actual shooters came years later. In 1935, Byron Bolton, a small-time associate sitting in federal custody on an unrelated charge, told the FBI he had been a lookout stationed in a room across the street from the garage. He named the shooters: Burke, Gus Winkler, Fred Goetz, Ray Nugent, Bob Carey — out-of-town professionals hired precisely because Chicago wouldn't recognize their faces.

Capone, by later accounts, jokingly called them his 'American boys' — the name historians still use for the crew. The planning, Bolton said, was McGurn's work. Capone had ordered it. Bolton's account has real problems.

Two of the men he named appear to have had alibis placing them elsewhere. He told the story years after the fact, in custody, with every reason to bargain for leniency. Historians treat it as a strong lead, not a proven truth. A minority theory places a young Tony Accardo — who would later rise to become boss of the entire Chicago Outfit after Capone's fall — among the gunmen, though most historians doubt it.

The bullets had been matched. The guns had been found. Names had been put to the triggers. So why did none of it ever reach a courtroom — and what happened to the men who might have talked?

THE GUNS TALKED. THE MEN NEVER DID. 06 EVERYONE WHO COULD TALK IS DEAD The guns had names attached to them. The ballistics told a story.

And yet not a single person ever stood in a courtroom and answered for seven men shot on a February morning. How does seventy bullets fired in broad daylight lead to nothing? The answer comes in layers. Start with the city.

Chicago's justice system was not broken — it was purchased. Bolton told the FBI that Capone's organization was paying the city's chief of detectives five thousand dollars a week — the man whose specific job it was to investigate and find killers. The Valentine's Day massacre was not an isolated outrage. By that point, the beer wars had already produced roughly five hundred unsolved gangland killings in Chicago, each one absorbed without consequence.

The machine had been running for years on bought silence — police and prosecutors either on the payroll or too frightened to act. A witness who came forward risked joining the body count; an investigator who pushed too hard risked losing his income or his life. Then there was the federal government. J.

Edgar Hoover, the director of the Bureau of Investigation — the agency that would later become the FBI — insisted for decades that organized crime barely existed as a national force and that the massacre was a local matter for Chicago to handle. The most powerful investigative agency in the country declined to pursue it, leaving the case to the same city machinery that had already failed to solve five hundred previous killings. And when Byron Bolton's confession reached the Bureau in 1935, it was not even shared with the Chicago police. The darkest answer is the simplest.

Within a few years, nearly every man who could have testified was dead. Fred Goetz, one of the out-of-town crew Byron Bolton had named as a shooter, was shot dead in 1934. Gus Winkler, another member of that same crew, had already been shot dead in October 1933 — reportedly killed by his own organization for talking to federal agents about an unrelated case. Bob Carey, a third member of the group, was found shot dead in New York in 1932.

Ray Nugent, a fourth, vanished around 1931 and was never seen again. Fred Burke — the man whose two guns ballistics had traced directly to the bullets recovered from the garage floor — never faced a murder charge for the massacre itself. He died in a Michigan prison in 1940, serving a life sentence for the separate 1929 killing of patrolman Charles Skelly, the crime for which he had been caught and convicted. Then there was Jack McGurn, the Capone lieutenant who investigators believed had planned and organized the operation on the ground.

In February 1936 — seven years and one day after the massacre — he was shot to death in a Chicago bowling alley. Legend says a comic valentine card was left on his body; there is no evidence for that. What is documented is a mocking valentine rhyme left at the bowling alley's front desk. Either way, the date itself was the message.

Al Capone outlived them all, but not cleanly. In 1931, the federal government convicted him not of murder or bootlegging but of tax evasion — the charge that he had failed to pay income taxes on the enormous profits his criminal empire generated. Because proving he had ordered killings required witnesses willing to testify and survive, prosecutors instead built their case from financial records, which could not be intimidated or killed. The most feared man in America was brought down by his account books: sentenced to eleven years, he served seven and a half before his release in November 1939, his mind and health destroyed by the syphilis that had gone untreated during his years of power.

The formal end had already come, quietly, years earlier: on November 17, 1931, Bundesen's inquest closed with the verdict that stands to this day — persons unknown, the coroner's formal finding that the identities of the killers were never legally established in any court. The gunmen were dead, the bosses imprisoned or silenced, and the file never reopened. But does that mean the full truth died with them — or did something survive? 96 YEARS LATER: PERSONS UNKNOWN.

07 PERSONS UNKNOWN Something survived. Not a conviction, not a courtroom confession, not justice in any form the law would recognize. But the evidence itself survived — the bullets, the ballistics reports, the photographs, the fragments of testimony that slipped through before the silence closed in. The question was never really whether we could name the men in that garage.

The question was whether naming them would ever be enough. That gap, between known and proven, is where this story has always lived. It is where Al Capone spent his career. Without a witness willing to place him as the order-giver in a courtroom, the law could not touch him for the murders.

When the government finally imprisoned him in 1931, it was for tax evasion, because that, and not any act of violence, was what prosecutors could actually prove. The coroner's inquest closed its file with the only verdict the evidence, as it stood before the law, would support. The bullets, however, talked. The forensic ballistics work done in the aftermath helped establish scientific ballistics investigation as a serious discipline — the comparison microscope, which places two bullets side by side under a single eyepiece so microscopic barrel-marks can be lined up and matched, pointed directly at firearms connected to the out-of-town crew.

That methodology outlasted the case and became foundational to the field. The public horror at seven men machine-gunned against a wall by killers dressed as police officers produced a pressure on Congress that years of more ordinary gang violence had not. The National Firearms Act of 1934 — the first federal law in American history to regulate machine guns — imposed a two-hundred-dollar federal tax on every transfer and required registration, photographs, and fingerprints. In 1934, two hundred dollars was roughly equivalent to several thousand dollars today.

The privately owned Thompson all but disappeared from criminal use almost immediately. The garage was demolished in 1967. But the brick wall the seven men died against was not simply destroyed. The bricks were removed individually, numbered, and preserved.

That wall — bullet holes still visible in the mortar and brick — is now on permanent display at the Mob Museum in Las Vegas. Seven men died against that wall on the morning of February 14, 1929. They are recorded here by name, because the law never named their killers: Peter Gusenberg and his brother Frank Gusenberg; Albert Kachellek, known as James Clark; Adam Heyer; Albert Weinshank; Reinhardt Schwimmer; and John May. Their killers, legally, remain no one.

As the hundredth anniversary of the massacre approaches in 2029, the case remains officially open. The evidence survived. The wall survived. The names of the dead survived.

The verdict did not change. Persons unknown. SEVEN NAMES. THEIR KILLERS, STILL NONE.

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